在希腊，有三个意义深刻的希腊字母 -- OXI。每年10月28日是OXI节，全希腊都为这三个字母游行纪念。这三个字母的意思是"不"，它代表了人类至高无上的尊严。
这个"不"字在中文里存在以来，中国就有这样一类人,他们选择反对权威、独裁、暴政，他们用实际行动大声说"不"。以此作为人，一个心怀信念的男人或女人而生存，而不是作为一只绵羊而活着。
在当前中国充满铜臭、冷漠、腐败、自私的现状下，在中国政府持续践踏人权、压制自由之声的状态下，这些实践"不"字的人们有着特殊的困境。一个"不"字，带来的结局是长年遭遇骚扰打压，丧失健康，丧失工作权利和正常的家庭，遭受监禁，甚至献出宝贵的生命。可是，中国就是有这样一类人，他们守着贫穷、艰难、以及不被理解，更守着信念，对权威和独裁说"不"：不合作、不出卖、不妥协、不低头。
因为，这是他们生存唯一的方式，一种尊贵的生存方式。
一、特殊的奖励
今年，在凛冽寒冬到来之前，又一次迎来了魏京生斗士奖的评选。在评选过程中，我们得到一个让人难过的消息，一位常年默默无闻为中国民主事业努力奋斗的志士，正在病榻上度过他最后的日子。他就是刘迪。他是30多年来坚持用实际行动实践"不"字的典型代表，他也是身处最低层、不为人知的普通老百姓。
今年，魏京生先生为这个斗士奖亲自提名，建议将2011年的奖励授予刘迪先生。他的建议得到了评委会委员的一致支持。大家认为，这样做不仅是对刘迪多年坚持不懈、不图名利、坚持反对专制政权的一代人的一种表彰，更是对不放弃信念、为中国民主自由努力奋斗的几代人的激励。让人痛心的是，在奖励公布之前，刘迪先生就与世长辞了,终年61岁。他甚至没能得知自己获奖的消息。
这是一次特殊的奖励。这是第一次正式把"魏京生民主斗士奖"奖励颁发给一个已经去世的人，也是第一次直接表彰参与四五运动和六四运动的人。魏京生先生对1976年的四五运动，1978年的民主墙运动和1989年的六四运动的意义有如下精辟的评论：
"这一连串的民主运动，是中国人民从共产党的愚民政策下逐步觉醒的过程。1976年的时候，人们已经不相信共产党的欺骗了。但当时反对共产党的人还是极少数，他们不得不借助于中共内部的分裂，拉一派打一派，借助钟馗来打鬼是当时的策略。
1978年的民主墙运动是1976年运动的继续。人们开始勇敢地把矛头指向共产党和毛泽东。但是大多数人民还对共产党抱有幻想，相信清官哲学，只反贪官而不反皇帝。人们以为换上一些好人就可以改变中国的命运。只有一小部分人知道必须改变社会制度，对一党专政不抱幻想，并愿意为此理想付出代价。
1989年，共产党军队对成千上万走上街头的人民进行了血腥的镇压。中共的屠杀彻底打碎了人们的幻想，使得所有中国人都明白了一个道理：只有推翻一党专政的政治制度，建立民主，人民才有可能翻身得解放。
现在的互联网运动使得这种觉醒扩大了范围，使得人们发现原来大家的想法差不多。互联网运动帮助酝酿了新的民主风潮，加速推动着新的人民解放运动。"
二、"小平头"刘迪
提起"刘迪"这个名字，很多人都不清楚他是谁。我手头只有薄薄的两页纸，上面写着刘迪的简历。但是，薄薄的两页纸，行行都是轰轰烈烈。原来，刘迪早已是家喻户晓的人物，只不过没人知道他的真名；原来，他一辈子坚持远离名利埋头苦干，为民主事业做了大量的工作；原来，30多年来，他年年月月面对的都是贫困艰苦的日子。
刘迪就是1976四五天安门运动中那个全国闻名的"小平头"。他是那个在反对警察镇压的事件中，带领群众呼喊口号抗议，被中共报纸点名的那个"小平头"。他作为要犯遭到了全国通缉，后来被捕入狱。
-- 刘迪1977年出狱后参与推动四五天安门事件平反活动，是参与编辑《天安门诗抄》的主要人物。
-- 刘迪是民主墙运动中著名独立刊物《北京之春》的创办人之一。
-- 刘迪也是1980年组织北京高校学生竞选运动的参与策划者之一。
-- 刘迪还协助创办了当时最大的民间独立实体，"北京社会经济科学研究所"基金会。
-- 刘迪参加了1989年天安门民主运动。作为学生顾问，参与策划、组织、协调，为天安门广场建立指挥系统和建立和平秩序，做出了特殊贡献。
-- 刘迪于1989年因六四天安门民主运动第二次被捕入狱。
-- 刘迪1990年出狱后成为政治犯亲属的主要顾问之一，为争取国际社会关注救援，停止迫害、维护人权等方面不懈地努力。
-- 刘迪多年来坚持为六四组织纪念活动，曾遭遇警察的长时间毒打。
-- 刘迪多年受迫害，因此而一直没有固定收入，生活于贫困之中。
三、中流砥柱
1976年的四五运动，1978年的民主墙运动和1989年的民主运动是自中国共产党统治以来，中国大地上发生的最惊心动魄的运动。在这几个运动中，被压制了几十年的中国人突然顶天立地，大声疾呼。中国人表现了勇敢、坚定、团结一致、不怕牺牲的可歌可泣的精神面貌！
至今，每当我们想起这个场面，都禁不住热泪盈眶。六月四日清晨枪炮响起以后，没有人说得清，又宽又长的长安街上留下了多少具勇敢无辜的尸体。那年，海内外的中国人以及全世界人民，都沉浸在无比的震惊和悲愤之中，许多人日日以泪洗面。那是一个大声说"不"的年代，一个光辉留万代的岁月！
值得一提的是，虽然1989年民主运动的主角似乎是学生，但实际上，北京和各地来声援的百姓更是中流砥柱。这些人有家有小，生活本来就很艰辛。他们经历过反右、文革，亲眼看见过反抗所带来的灭顶之灾。相对于那些"初生牛犊不怕虎"的学生们，这些平民百姓有着千百倍的理由惧怕、退缩、沉默。但是，他们却表现得无比勇敢。在64大屠杀将1989年的运动镇压之后，这些平民百姓则是遭受打压最严厉的一群。
刘迪是他们的典型代表。刘迪属于一代"老知青"，也就是那些经历了非凡历史波澜，有着动荡生活的一代人。他们失去了正常的求学机会和工作机会，他们体验过家庭的变动和苦难，他们经历过后几代人无法想象的磨难。可是他们特别坚韧，也特别纯洁，保持着高尚的理想主义精神。他们对信仰有着始终如一的持守，因此在为人处事中表现得光明磊落，宽厚仁爱，吃苦耐劳。我们一点也不惊讶，刘迪在身陷牢狱、生死未卜的时刻，还千方百计把自己仅有的口粮让给坐牢的年轻学生。
当学生们的苦难渐渐化解之后，有的学生领袖出国、经商、做总裁，几乎没有一个人像刘迪那样穷困和默默无闻。每当想到这里，我们的心就会久久不能平静。我们想大声疾呼：永远不能忘记！没有刘迪这样的百姓的支持，民主运动就不会有这么灿烂的光辉！我们更不能对他们的处境无动于衷，让刘迪们这么无声无息地离去！
四、向光性和“本分”
刘迪是无声无息地离去的。他走的时候，世界上仅有很少的一些人知道，他就是赫赫有名的"小平头"。但刘迪给我们留下了很多宝贵的东西。
刘迪让我们感动的，不仅是当年的勇敢和远见，更是他后来的始终如一，以及对自我牺牲的沉默。我们惊讶地发现，刘迪是我们见过的民主人士中最为低调的一个人！
这让人不由想到了"向光性" -- 世界上众多生物都具有向光性，本能地趋向光线或愿意接近光源。在我们人类世界里，"向光性"也代表着向往名誉、地位、荣耀；期望被发现、被理解、被肯定、被赞扬。我们十分理解这个本能的向往。
但刘迪却是另类。他有意避开声誉的光源，选择长期面对黑暗。他没有试图让人知道，他就是当年那个名闻遐迩的"小平头"。他心里没有自己的功劳簿。有时我曾想，对于多年的付出和牺牲，对于被埋没、被误解、被淡忘的处境，刘迪内心是否曾有过一丝沧桑感？即使有，那也是非常合乎常理的吧？但是，我知道的刘迪总是一个样子：不抱怨、不声张、不计较、不放弃。
一次，当有人问起他在四五运动中的勇敢时，他这么回答："当时并没想那么多，也知道肯定要失败，失败了也没好果子吃。......我只是他们中的一员，我也只是做了我应该做的份内的事，这是我的本分。什么叫做本分？好好学习就是学生的本分，种田是农民的本分，做工是工人的本分，而面对封建法西斯这样的'文化大革命'，奋起造反是每一个有良知的中国人的本分。"
实际上，刘迪曾是四五运动的现场总指挥，但他又是一个"不到万不得已，不会充当领袖"的人物。他是为了解脱一个无名青年，才冲上去做了现场指挥。怀着这种"本分"的心情，尽管自四五运动以后的30多年来一直在最底层受压迫，刘迪毫无贪欲，甘于寂寞，甘于清贫，远离悲情，一直没有放弃奋斗。朋友们都知道，他在私下里做了许多事情，在危险时刻挺身而出，甚至代人"受过"，却从来不出头露面。
陀思妥耶夫斯基研究痛苦时，曾经发问：“哪个更值得？是廉价的幸福，还是昂贵的痛苦？”我仿佛听到刘迪站起来大声说："当然是昂贵的痛苦！"刘迪本能地选择后者，把为中国人受苦，当作幸福的本分。从这样的选择中，我们看到的是真正的勇气，以及罕见的气质。
五、最贫穷却最富有
刘迪去世的这些天，他的亲友们开始写一些悼念文章，我们由此对刘迪有了更全面的了解。
刘迪出身于高级知识分子家庭。他曾经有过报考历史研究生的机会，但为了《北京之春》的印刷和发行而主动放弃。虽然他从此再没有机会接受高等教育，大家却认为他是"朋友中最有学问的一个"。
他的学问，来自于年轻时代下乡时期对百姓疾苦的洞察和体验，也来自于他孜孜不倦地学习，以及对中国传统文化精髓的深切把握。这些来源，让刘迪的个性里充满了侠义、温情、爱心、谦逊。朋友们回忆说："他经常接纳素不相识的落难人士，管吃管住，有的人一住就是几个月甚至更长。""刘迪侠骨柔肠，急公好义。他不仅维护社会正义勇于献身，而每当朋友遇到困难，他也会全力以赴为之奔波，受他帮助的人很多很多。""就是偶尔朋友聚会，刘迪也是来也匆匆，去也匆匆，飘忽不定。我很羡慕他是'神仙'，过着超然脱俗、至善于行、大隐于世的日子。后来听说他在'自然之友'做公益，还救助小动物，流浪猫养了十几只......"
因为他的低调，大家甚至认为他"过得还好"。但事实上，他一辈子没有过一份正式工作，生活上靠自食其力做些临时工的工资 ，至死都是个无产者。他全部的财产就是一辆破旧的自行车。他十分克己，处处为人着想，而自己的苦处难处，甚至重病的疾苦，都不向人倾诉。
在一个为蝇头小利、蚁尾微名而锱铢必较的社会，不少人带着失明的眼睛、混乱的思维、狂躁的情绪，为个人的得失呼天抢地。另一边却静静地伫立了另一类人，像刘迪这样的一类人。他们淡泊名利，忍饥挨饿，不愿屈服；他们为着中国人自由民主的目标不懈地尽力。即便在孤独之中，也还是虽千万人吾往矣。
正因为有这样的对比，刘迪这类人的形象让我们感动万分--他们贫穷，却最富有；他们简朴，却最慷慨；他们简单，却最智慧！
六、生与死、救与赎
1976年的四五运动已经过去35年，1989年的民主运动也过去22年了。当年的坦克、硝烟、鲜血、愤怒似乎已渐渐淡去。长安街上早已是车水马龙，热闹非凡。这条大道成了许多人奔向荣誉、富有、幸福的阶梯。年轻的几代，甚至不知道四五运动和民主墙运动是什么运动，也记不清以六四屠杀告终的民主运动发生在哪一年。他们弄不懂为了什么诉求，曾有成千上万的人们敢于用自己的血肉去抵挡政府的枪炮。
在海外，不下十万中国人由于六四而获得长久居留权，从此享受自由世界的一切。可是每年六四纪念日，来人却越来越少。在中国，利益甚至让一些人放弃沉默，而选择时髦，追捧当权者。当勇敢者越来越少的时候，就会有更多的懦弱、退却、撒谎、出卖、背信弃义；就会有为了苟活而对强权的卑躬屈膝。
我想提醒大家的是，一切不幸都有其根源。真正不幸的来源，不是天灾瘟疫、外族入侵，而是我们自己的愚昧、懦弱、卑怯。当每个人都不在乎世界在他身后崩溃的时候，当每个人都不愿意承担责任的时候，世界是一定会崩溃的！我想重复过去的颁奖词里的一句话：“正是因为我们理解大多数人生存的挣扎，我们更加尊重那些勇于献身的人。他们是少数，但是他们的精神却是我们向往和追求的。”
这样的少数人现在仍然在为中国做着非凡的努力。因为有这样一批人，每年的六月四日都成了中共专制政权担惊受怕的日子。中共戒备森严，处处防范，生怕又一次引发群众运动。刘迪这类少数人的存在，是我们中国人的骄傲。他们，才是我们中国的脊梁。
今年，我们将魏京生民主斗士奖颁发给刘迪先生，是对这样坚持努力的人们的鼓励。奖金的数目并不多。但我们希望，它可以给刘迪身边的亲友们一点慰籍。这代表了大家的感谢。
虽然刘迪没有看到他努力的结果就过早地离开了，我们衷心希望人们为有这样一个品德高尚的同胞而自豪，为有这样一个保持中国文化精髓的侠骨义肠之士而感动。我们也希望刘迪的离去让人们在羞愧中苏醒，看到自己的责任。这不仅是对刘迪的最好纪念，不仅是对像刘迪这样无数死去和正在牺牲的人们表达的崇高敬意，更是对自己灵魂的一次救赎。
一名一生致力于反抗专制的民主斗士这样说过："一个对专制和暴政屈服的人，在死以前已经死过一次了。我不应该在死以前就死，我应该在死的时候再死！"
生与死，救与赎，往往就在一念之差，往往就是在站起来大声说"不"的那个时刻。
大声地对独裁者们说"不"，选择的是高贵的苦难，灵魂和肉体因此要经历炼狱般的磨炼。但，这是为正义、民主、自由所做的选择。而所有为正义、民主、自由而献身的人，都将像夜空里的美丽星辰一样，永不坠落！
谢谢大家的倾听。
魏京生基金会执行主任
黄慈萍（签署）
2011年12月5日
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A671-W413
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A671-W413
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Noble Suffering, Fiery Soul
-- Prize Dedication to Liu Di as Recipient of the Eighth Annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" by the Wei Jingsheng Foundation
December 5, 2011
In Greece, there are three letters of the Greek alphabet with significant meaning -- OXI. On October 28 of every year, these three letters are celebrated and paraded, as Oxi Day (Ohi Day). These three letters mean "no", and represent supreme human dignity.
Ever since the word "no" has existed in Chinese, the Chinese have had such people who use their actions to announce "no" against authority, dictatorship, and tyranny. Their actions prove that they are men and women living with faith, instead of tamed lambs.
While the current China full of mercenariness, apathy, corruption, and selfishness, while there is continuous abuse of human rights and suppression of freedom by the Chinese Communist regime, the people who practice this "no" in China have special difficulties. A word of "no" brings years of harassment and suppression, loss of right to work and normal family, imprisonment, and even the sacrifice of precious lives. However, there are people in China who, despite poverty, difficulty, and even misunderstanding, keep their faith and say "no" to the authority and dictatorship. They advocate non-cooperation with the dictators, they do not sell themselves, do not compromise, and do not bow to the dictatorship -- because this is their only way of life, a noble way of life.
__ __ __
1. A Special Award
This year, before the arrival of the cold winter, we had another round of selection for this year's "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize". During the selection period, we learned some sad news: a low-key perennial champion for Chinese democracy was spending his last days on his deathbed. He was Mr. Liu Di, a typical representative who used his actions to carry out "no" in his life, especially in the past 35 years. He is also an unknown ordinary person who is near the bottom of the Chinese society.
Mr. Wei Jingsheng himself made a nomination to award our 2011 "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" to Liu Di. Wei's proposal received unanimous support from members of the judging committee at the Wei Jingsheng Foundation We all believed that giving the prize to Liu Di would be more than just a recognition of him and the generation he represents for years of persistence against the authoritarian regime, yet without seeking fame and fortune. It will also inspire the generations following to struggle for Chinese democracy and freedom without giving up their faith. It was heartbreaking to learn that before our announcement of this year's prizewinner, Mr. Liu Di passed away at age 61. He did not even know the news that he was awarded this "Wei Jingsheng Democracy Champion Prize."
Indeed, this is a special prize. It is the first time that the Wei Jingsheng Foundation officially awarded the "Wei Jingsheng Democracy Champion Prize" to a person who has already passed away. It is also the first time for the prize to be awarded to a person due to his direct association with both the April 5th Tiananmen Movement of 1976 and the 1989 democracy movement 13 years later. Regarding the significance of the April 5th Tiananmen Movement of 1976, the Democracy Wall Movement of 1978, and the democracy movement that ended with the June 4 Massacre in 1989, Mr. Wei Jingsheng made following insightful comments:
"This series of pro-democracy movements illustrates the gradual awakening of the Chinese people from the obscurantist policy of the Communist Party. In 1976, people had already begun to disbelieve in the deception of the Communist Party. However, at that time, extremely few people openly opposed the Communist Party. People had to use the internal divisions within the Communist Party to put one faction against the other. It was the strategy of that time to borrow from the mythological figure of Zhong Kui (who could command tens of thousands of demons) to against ghosts and evil beings.
The 1978 Democracy Wall Movement was a continuation from the 1976 movement. People began to boldly blame the Communist Party and Mao Zedong. But most people still held illusions of the Communist Party. They believed in the philosophy of a clean government and were "against the corrupted officials instead of the emperor". Many people thought that when corrupted Communist officials were replaced by the good guys, the fate of China would be changed for the better. Only a small number of people were aware of the need to change the social system and did not have illusions about the one-party dictatorship and were willing to pay the price for such ideology.
In 1989, the Communist military used a bloody suppression against thousands of people who went to the streets to protest. The massacre of Chinese brothers and sisters completely shattered people's illusions and awakened them to realize the truth, that only when the political system of one-party dictatorship is overthrown and democracy is established, then could people possibly be emancipated.
The Internet nowadays is expanding the scope of this awakening and makes people realize that everyone else's thoughts are similar. This Internet movement is helping to prepare a new road for the democratic movement, to accelerate a new people's liberation movement. "
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2. "The Crew Cut" Liu Di
When the name of "Liu Di" is mentioned, many people do not even know who he is. In my hand, there are two thin layers of paper about his life. Yet, these two pages of trekking are spectacular. It turns out that he has been a household name for a long time as people know him by the nickname of "the crew cut" without knowing his real name "Liu Di." It turns out that Liu Di had been hardworking and did a lot for democratic progress in China, yet kept himself truly away from fame and fortune. After all, for more than 30 years, he had been facing poverty and hard days day and night.
Liu Di is "the crew cut" well known in China from the 1976 April 5th Tiananmen Movement. He was named "the crew cut" by the Communist newspaper People's Daily when he was leading the people and shouting slogans of protest against police suppression during that incident. He was wanted in the whole country as an important fugitive and was later arrested and jailed.
-- After Liu Di was released from prison in 1977, he participated in activities requesting re-addresses on the April 5 Tiananmen incident and was a main person participating in editing "Tiananmen Poems" from that incident.
-- Liu Di was one of the founders of the well-known independent publication "Beijing Spring" during the 1978 Democracy Wall movement.
-- Liu Di was one of the strategists organizing the 1980 democratic campaign for election among the college students in Beijing.
-- Liu Di also helped to found the largest private independent entity of that time, the "Beijing Institute of Social Economic Science" Foundation.
-- Liu Di participated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square democracy movement. As a consultant to the students, he was involved in the planning, organization, coordination, and made special contributions to help setup the command system for the Tiananmen Square, and to establish peace and order.
-- Liu Di was sent to jail the second time due to his involvement in the 1989 Tiananmen democracy movement.
-- After Liu Di was released from prison in 1990, he became one of the principal advisers to the relatives of political prisoners, and worked tirelessly to get the attention and aid of the international community, to stop the persecution and to defend human rights.
-- For years, Liu Di continued to organize commemorations of the June 4 Massacre, thus receiving long time beating from the police.
-- Liu Di suffered years of persecution, therefore had no fixed income and was always living in poverty.
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3. The Mainstay
The April 5th Movement of 1976, the Democracy Wall movement of 1978, and the democracy movement of 1989 are the most breath-taking movements in China since Chinese Communist Party rule. During these movements, the Chinese people who were suppressed for decades suddenly took on colossal stature and indomitable spirit to bravely speak loud. They were able to show spirit of courage, firmness, and unity, and were not afraid of death.
Even until now, whenever we think of that, we are moved to tears. After the gunshots in the early morning of June 4, 1989, no one could clearly tell how many brave and innocent bodies lay on that wide and long Chang'an Avenue. That year, the Chinese people both inside China and abroad, as well as people around the world, were immersed in profound shock and grief. Many people dropped tears day by day. These were days of a loud "no", a brilliant period left to generations for remembrance.
It is worthwhile mentioning that, although the protagonists of the 1989 democracy movement seemed to be students, in fact the average citizens of Beijing and other places were the mainstay. These people had families to take care of with inherent difficulty in their lives. They experienced the systematic Communist suppressions of the anti-rightist campaign and the Cultural Revolution, etc. They saw the overwhelming disaster resistance could bring. In comparison to the young students who were like "young cows do not afraid of tigers", those civilians had thousands of well-founded reasons to fear, to withdraw, and to keep silence. But these civilians behaved incomparably bravely. After the June 4 massacre that suppressed the 1989 democracy movement, these civilians were the group that suffered the most.
Liu Di was a typical representative of these civilians. Liu Di belonged to the generation of "old youth" who were sent to the countryside by Mao Zedong's Communist regime. He belonged to that generation who experienced the extraordinary waves of history, and thus had very turbulent lives. That generation lost the normal education opportunities and job opportunities. They experienced changes and suffering in their families. They suffered much more ordeal than the several generations of people after them. Yet, they are particularly strong, especially pure, and keep the spirit of lofty idealism. They have a consistent hold on the faith, so in dealing with others they are very honorable, with generous love, and hard-working ethics. We are not surprised that when Liu Di was in prison without knowing death or life for his own future, he would do everything possible to give his limited food ration to the young students who were in prison with him.
When the suffering of the students gradually abated, some student leaders went abroad, while some others went to do business, or even become company CEO's. Almost none of them were as poor and unknown to the public as Liu Di. Whenever we think of this, our hearts cannot be kept quiet. We want to appeal loudly: Never Forget! Without the support from the average people like Liu Di, the democracy movement would not have such a splendid brilliance. We cannot remain indifferent to their situation, and let people like Liu Di left so quietly.
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4. Phototropism and "Content with One's Lot"
Liu Di left this world quietly. When he was gone, only a few people knew that he was the well-known "crew cut". However, Liu Di has left us many valuable things.
What Liu Di moved us was not only the courage and vision he had back in 1976, but more his consistency in later years and his silence of self-sacrifice. We were surprised to find that Liu Di is the most low-key democratic activist we have seen.
His humbleness reminds me of the opposite adjective "photo-tropic" -- many kinds of biological creatures are photo-tropic: they instinctively lean towards or are willing to get close to the light source. In our human world, "phototropism" also represents the longing for fame, status, and glory; the expectation to be discovered, understood, to be approved, and to be praised. We fully understand this instinctive yearning.
However, Liu Di is an alternative. He deliberately avoided the source of reputation. He chose to face the darkness for a long time. He did not try to let people know that he was that famous "crew cut." He did not mind his own laurels. Sometimes I wonder, with all the years of effort and sacrifice while facing that buried, misunderstood, and forgotten status, did Liu Di ever had inner sadness for his vicissitudes of life? Even so, it is very reasonable, right? However, we know that Liu Di was always in the same: he did not complain and was quiet. He did not care if his deserved merits were credited, and he did not give up.
Once, when someone asked him about his bravery during the April 5th Movement, he replied: "At that time, I did not think much. I knew that we were bound to fail and would not have a good outcome. I am just one of the people, and I just did what I should do. It is my duty to be content with my lot. What is the content of my lot? Learning for a student, farming for a peasant, working for a worker. When we are faced with such a feudal fascist type of 'Cultural Revolution', rising to rebel is the duty of every Chinese with conscience."
In fact, although Liu Di was the field commander of the April 5th Movement, he became the leader as a "last resort," the "had to be a leader" figure. In an effort to help an unknown youth escape, he rushed to the scene to be the commander. With this mood of "content with one's lot", Liu Di had no greed, and willingly stayed alone to be poor without pessimistic sorrow. He never gave up his battle for democracy, despite being suppressed to the very bottom of the society since 1976. Friends know that Liu did a lot of things in private, or came forward in dangerous times, even to be punished on behalf of others, but never wanted public limelight.
Fyodor Dostoyevsky once asked when he was studying pain: Which is more worth it? Having cheap happiness, or noble suffering? I can hear Liu Di stand up and loudly said: Of course the noble suffering! Liu Di instinctively chose the latter, to suffer for the Chinese people as his content for happiness. From this selection, we see real courage and rare temperament.
__ __ __
5. The Poorest, Yet the Wealthiest
In the days since Liu Di passed away, his friends and relatives have begun to write articles memorializing him. Thus we are able to get a more comprehensive understanding of Liu Di's life.
Born in a family of intellectuals, Liu Di had the opportunity to apply for graduate study in history, but gave it up in order to be able to print and distribute "Beijing Spring" magazine. Although he never again had access to higher education, people think of him as one of the "friends who know most."
His knowledge came from his insight and experience with the plight of the people when he was in the countryside at a young age, as well as from his tireless study and a deep grasp of the essence of traditional Chinese culture. This background made Liu Di full of chivalry, warmth, love, and modesty in his personality. Friends recalled: "He often accepted distressed strangers into his home to take care of them. Some people lived with him for months or even longer." "Liu Di's chivalrous nature with his kindness made him both caring and an honorable person. He not only had the courage to sacrifice himself in maintaining social justice, but also would give a helping hand whenever friends had difficulties. He helped many people a lot." "Occasionally when friends were having a party, Liu Di would come in in a rush and leave in a rush. I am envious that he lived like a 'god', living aloof, and doing his good deeds. Later on, I heard that he was doing public service at the 'Friends of Nature', and also rescued small animals, raising more than a dozen stray cats... "
Because of his low-key nature, people even thought that he "lived okay." But in fact, all his life he never had a formal job. He made some income from the wages of temporary work and was a true "proletarian" till his death. All of his "property" was an old bicycle. He was a very restrained and always considerate man. Yet, he did not tell others the grievances of his own difficulties, even the suffering of serious illness.
In this society of arguing for petty wealth and tiny material lives, there are many people with blind eyes, confused thinking, and manic mood. They would be screaming in pain for personal gains and losses. On the other side, there are the other kind of people who stand there quietly, just like Liu Di. They do not care about fame and fortune. They endure hunger and poverty. They are unwilling to yield. They strive relentlessly for the goal of freedom and democracy in China. Even in solitude, they still dare to fight against the army of tens of millions.
Exactly such contrast makes us deeply touched by people like Liu Di -- they are poor, yet the wealthiest; they are of little means, yet the most generous; they are simple, yet the most intelligent.
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6. Life and Death, Salvation and Redemption
The April 5h Movement of 1976 has been gone for 35 years now. The 1989 democracy movement has been gone for 22 years. Tanks, smoke, blood, and anger seems to have faded. Chang'an Avenue in Beijing is busy and crowded again. This avenue has become the ladder for many people running toward honor, wealth, and happiness. Younger generations even do not know what the April 5th Movement and the Democracy Wall movement were, nor do they remember which year it was that ended a pro-democracy movement with the June 4 massacre. They could not understand why there were tens of thousands of people having the courage to use their own flesh and blood to resist guns and canons of the government.
Abroad, no less than 100,000 Chinese obtained long-term residence due to the June 4 massacre in China and thus are now able to enjoy all that the free world has to offer. But every year on June 4, there are less and less coming for remembrance. In China, personal interest even makes some people give up their rights and keep quiet, and pursuit those in power like a fashion. When there are less and less brave people, there will be more cowardice, retreat, lying, betrayal, and treachery; then one will see more obsequiousness to power for the purpose of just to live.
I would like to remind everyone that all this misfortune has its roots. Unfortunately, the real source of misfortune in China is not due to a natural disaster, plague, or an invasion of the aliens, but due to our own ignorance, cowardice, and abjection. When everyone does not care about the collapse of the world, when everyone is unwilling to assume responsibility, the world will certainly collapse. I want to repeat a sentence from a previous dedication: "Exactly because one understands the struggle to survive for most people, one has more respect for those brave people who have the courage of sacrifice. They are a minority, but their spirit is our desire and pursuit."
A small number of this kind of people are still doing extraordinary efforts in China. Because there are such groups of people, June 4 of every year becomes a fearful day for the Communist regime. The Communist regime is heavily guarded, always guarded, for fear of triggering another mass movement. The existence of the minority people like Liu Di is the pride of the Chinese people. They are the backbone and true leaders of China.
This year, we award the "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" to Liu Di, as our way to encourage people who have insistent and consistent effort. Although there is not too much money associated with this award, we still hope that it helps to offer some condolence and comfort to friends and relatives around Di Liu. It represents the gratitude people carry toward Liu Di.
Although Liu Di passed away prematurely before he saw the result of his efforts, we sincerely hope that people will be proud of this compatriot with high moral character, and be moved for a person who kept such a chivalry from the essence of Chinese culture, along with his sense of justice. We also hope that people will move away from their shame and realize their own responsibility from Liu Di's departure from this world. This realization would not only be the best memorial of Liu Di, and not only a way to express noble respect to countless people who have already passed away or are making sacrifices as of now, but more a way of salvation of souls for themselves.
A fighter dedicated to the fight for democracy against autocracy once said: "A person who yields to autocracy and tyranny has already died once. I should not die so. I must die at the time of my death."
Life and death, salvation and redemption, often result in a split second -- especially often at the moment when people stand up and say "no".
To say "no" loudly to the dictators, is to choose the noble suffering, thus one must experience hell-like suffering for one's soul and body. Such is the choice for justice, for democracy, and for freedom. All the people who sacrifice their lives for justice, democracy, and freedom will never fall, just as the beautiful stars shining in the night sky.
Thank you for listening.
Ciping Huang (signed)
Executive Director
Wei Jingsheng Foundation
The eighth annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" announcement:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2011/report2011-12/WJSF8thPrize111205announcementA670-W412.htm
Photos related to Liu Di and the April 5th movement of 1976:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/group1976speaker.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuD1976group.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuDfuneral1110Beijing.jpg
(The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is grateful to Yike CHENG for her great contribution of composing this dedication, and for her long time voluntary work and other contributions to this Foundation.)
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魏京生基金会第八届 "魏京生中国民主斗士奖"颁发公告：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2011/report2011-12/WJSF8thPrize111205announcementA670-W412.htm
有关刘迪及1976年的四五运动的相片：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/group1976speaker.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuD1976group.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuDfuneral1110Beijing.jpg
（程以克为本次颁奖词的主要撰稿人，魏京生基金会对她的工作表示感谢，并感谢她多年来的义务劳动及其它重要贡献。）
（魏京生基金会首发，请注明出处。www.weijingsheng.org）
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魏京生基金会及中国民主运动海外联席会议以推动中国的人权与民主为己任。
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这个"不"字在中文里存在以来，中国就有这样一类人,他们选择反对权威、独裁、暴政，他们用实际行动大声说"不"。以此作为人，一个心怀信念的男人或女人而生存，而不是作为一只绵羊而活着。
在当前中国充满铜臭、冷漠、腐败、自私的现状下，在中国政府持续践踏人权、压制自由之声的状态下，这些实践"不"字的人们有着特殊的困境。一个"不"字，带来的结局是长年遭遇骚扰打压，丧失健康，丧失工作权利和正常的家庭，遭受监禁，甚至献出宝贵的生命。可是，中国就是有这样一类人，他们守着贫穷、艰难、以及不被理解，更守着信念，对权威和独裁说"不"：不合作、不出卖、不妥协、不低头。
因为，这是他们生存唯一的方式，一种尊贵的生存方式。
一、特殊的奖励
今年，在凛冽寒冬到来之前，又一次迎来了魏京生斗士奖的评选。在评选过程中，我们得到一个让人难过的消息，一位常年默默无闻为中国民主事业努力奋斗的志士，正在病榻上度过他最后的日子。他就是刘迪。他是30多年来坚持用实际行动实践"不"字的典型代表，他也是身处最低层、不为人知的普通老百姓。
今年，魏京生先生为这个斗士奖亲自提名，建议将2011年的奖励授予刘迪先生。他的建议得到了评委会委员的一致支持。大家认为，这样做不仅是对刘迪多年坚持不懈、不图名利、坚持反对专制政权的一代人的一种表彰，更是对不放弃信念、为中国民主自由努力奋斗的几代人的激励。让人痛心的是，在奖励公布之前，刘迪先生就与世长辞了,终年61岁。他甚至没能得知自己获奖的消息。
这是一次特殊的奖励。这是第一次正式把"魏京生民主斗士奖"奖励颁发给一个已经去世的人，也是第一次直接表彰参与四五运动和六四运动的人。魏京生先生对1976年的四五运动，1978年的民主墙运动和1989年的六四运动的意义有如下精辟的评论：
"这一连串的民主运动，是中国人民从共产党的愚民政策下逐步觉醒的过程。1976年的时候，人们已经不相信共产党的欺骗了。但当时反对共产党的人还是极少数，他们不得不借助于中共内部的分裂，拉一派打一派，借助钟馗来打鬼是当时的策略。
1978年的民主墙运动是1976年运动的继续。人们开始勇敢地把矛头指向共产党和毛泽东。但是大多数人民还对共产党抱有幻想，相信清官哲学，只反贪官而不反皇帝。人们以为换上一些好人就可以改变中国的命运。只有一小部分人知道必须改变社会制度，对一党专政不抱幻想，并愿意为此理想付出代价。
1989年，共产党军队对成千上万走上街头的人民进行了血腥的镇压。中共的屠杀彻底打碎了人们的幻想，使得所有中国人都明白了一个道理：只有推翻一党专政的政治制度，建立民主，人民才有可能翻身得解放。
现在的互联网运动使得这种觉醒扩大了范围，使得人们发现原来大家的想法差不多。互联网运动帮助酝酿了新的民主风潮，加速推动着新的人民解放运动。"
二、"小平头"刘迪
提起"刘迪"这个名字，很多人都不清楚他是谁。我手头只有薄薄的两页纸，上面写着刘迪的简历。但是，薄薄的两页纸，行行都是轰轰烈烈。原来，刘迪早已是家喻户晓的人物，只不过没人知道他的真名；原来，他一辈子坚持远离名利埋头苦干，为民主事业做了大量的工作；原来，30多年来，他年年月月面对的都是贫困艰苦的日子。
刘迪就是1976四五天安门运动中那个全国闻名的"小平头"。他是那个在反对警察镇压的事件中，带领群众呼喊口号抗议，被中共报纸点名的那个"小平头"。他作为要犯遭到了全国通缉，后来被捕入狱。
-- 刘迪1977年出狱后参与推动四五天安门事件平反活动，是参与编辑《天安门诗抄》的主要人物。
-- 刘迪是民主墙运动中著名独立刊物《北京之春》的创办人之一。
-- 刘迪也是1980年组织北京高校学生竞选运动的参与策划者之一。
-- 刘迪还协助创办了当时最大的民间独立实体，"北京社会经济科学研究所"基金会。
-- 刘迪参加了1989年天安门民主运动。作为学生顾问，参与策划、组织、协调，为天安门广场建立指挥系统和建立和平秩序，做出了特殊贡献。
-- 刘迪于1989年因六四天安门民主运动第二次被捕入狱。
-- 刘迪1990年出狱后成为政治犯亲属的主要顾问之一，为争取国际社会关注救援，停止迫害、维护人权等方面不懈地努力。
-- 刘迪多年来坚持为六四组织纪念活动，曾遭遇警察的长时间毒打。
-- 刘迪多年受迫害，因此而一直没有固定收入，生活于贫困之中。
三、中流砥柱
1976年的四五运动，1978年的民主墙运动和1989年的民主运动是自中国共产党统治以来，中国大地上发生的最惊心动魄的运动。在这几个运动中，被压制了几十年的中国人突然顶天立地，大声疾呼。中国人表现了勇敢、坚定、团结一致、不怕牺牲的可歌可泣的精神面貌！
至今，每当我们想起这个场面，都禁不住热泪盈眶。六月四日清晨枪炮响起以后，没有人说得清，又宽又长的长安街上留下了多少具勇敢无辜的尸体。那年，海内外的中国人以及全世界人民，都沉浸在无比的震惊和悲愤之中，许多人日日以泪洗面。那是一个大声说"不"的年代，一个光辉留万代的岁月！
值得一提的是，虽然1989年民主运动的主角似乎是学生，但实际上，北京和各地来声援的百姓更是中流砥柱。这些人有家有小，生活本来就很艰辛。他们经历过反右、文革，亲眼看见过反抗所带来的灭顶之灾。相对于那些"初生牛犊不怕虎"的学生们，这些平民百姓有着千百倍的理由惧怕、退缩、沉默。但是，他们却表现得无比勇敢。在64大屠杀将1989年的运动镇压之后，这些平民百姓则是遭受打压最严厉的一群。
刘迪是他们的典型代表。刘迪属于一代"老知青"，也就是那些经历了非凡历史波澜，有着动荡生活的一代人。他们失去了正常的求学机会和工作机会，他们体验过家庭的变动和苦难，他们经历过后几代人无法想象的磨难。可是他们特别坚韧，也特别纯洁，保持着高尚的理想主义精神。他们对信仰有着始终如一的持守，因此在为人处事中表现得光明磊落，宽厚仁爱，吃苦耐劳。我们一点也不惊讶，刘迪在身陷牢狱、生死未卜的时刻，还千方百计把自己仅有的口粮让给坐牢的年轻学生。
当学生们的苦难渐渐化解之后，有的学生领袖出国、经商、做总裁，几乎没有一个人像刘迪那样穷困和默默无闻。每当想到这里，我们的心就会久久不能平静。我们想大声疾呼：永远不能忘记！没有刘迪这样的百姓的支持，民主运动就不会有这么灿烂的光辉！我们更不能对他们的处境无动于衷，让刘迪们这么无声无息地离去！
四、向光性和“本分”
刘迪是无声无息地离去的。他走的时候，世界上仅有很少的一些人知道，他就是赫赫有名的"小平头"。但刘迪给我们留下了很多宝贵的东西。
刘迪让我们感动的，不仅是当年的勇敢和远见，更是他后来的始终如一，以及对自我牺牲的沉默。我们惊讶地发现，刘迪是我们见过的民主人士中最为低调的一个人！
这让人不由想到了"向光性" -- 世界上众多生物都具有向光性，本能地趋向光线或愿意接近光源。在我们人类世界里，"向光性"也代表着向往名誉、地位、荣耀；期望被发现、被理解、被肯定、被赞扬。我们十分理解这个本能的向往。
但刘迪却是另类。他有意避开声誉的光源，选择长期面对黑暗。他没有试图让人知道，他就是当年那个名闻遐迩的"小平头"。他心里没有自己的功劳簿。有时我曾想，对于多年的付出和牺牲，对于被埋没、被误解、被淡忘的处境，刘迪内心是否曾有过一丝沧桑感？即使有，那也是非常合乎常理的吧？但是，我知道的刘迪总是一个样子：不抱怨、不声张、不计较、不放弃。
一次，当有人问起他在四五运动中的勇敢时，他这么回答："当时并没想那么多，也知道肯定要失败，失败了也没好果子吃。......我只是他们中的一员，我也只是做了我应该做的份内的事，这是我的本分。什么叫做本分？好好学习就是学生的本分，种田是农民的本分，做工是工人的本分，而面对封建法西斯这样的'文化大革命'，奋起造反是每一个有良知的中国人的本分。"
实际上，刘迪曾是四五运动的现场总指挥，但他又是一个"不到万不得已，不会充当领袖"的人物。他是为了解脱一个无名青年，才冲上去做了现场指挥。怀着这种"本分"的心情，尽管自四五运动以后的30多年来一直在最底层受压迫，刘迪毫无贪欲，甘于寂寞，甘于清贫，远离悲情，一直没有放弃奋斗。朋友们都知道，他在私下里做了许多事情，在危险时刻挺身而出，甚至代人"受过"，却从来不出头露面。
陀思妥耶夫斯基研究痛苦时，曾经发问：“哪个更值得？是廉价的幸福，还是昂贵的痛苦？”我仿佛听到刘迪站起来大声说："当然是昂贵的痛苦！"刘迪本能地选择后者，把为中国人受苦，当作幸福的本分。从这样的选择中，我们看到的是真正的勇气，以及罕见的气质。
五、最贫穷却最富有
刘迪去世的这些天，他的亲友们开始写一些悼念文章，我们由此对刘迪有了更全面的了解。
刘迪出身于高级知识分子家庭。他曾经有过报考历史研究生的机会，但为了《北京之春》的印刷和发行而主动放弃。虽然他从此再没有机会接受高等教育，大家却认为他是"朋友中最有学问的一个"。
他的学问，来自于年轻时代下乡时期对百姓疾苦的洞察和体验，也来自于他孜孜不倦地学习，以及对中国传统文化精髓的深切把握。这些来源，让刘迪的个性里充满了侠义、温情、爱心、谦逊。朋友们回忆说："他经常接纳素不相识的落难人士，管吃管住，有的人一住就是几个月甚至更长。""刘迪侠骨柔肠，急公好义。他不仅维护社会正义勇于献身，而每当朋友遇到困难，他也会全力以赴为之奔波，受他帮助的人很多很多。""就是偶尔朋友聚会，刘迪也是来也匆匆，去也匆匆，飘忽不定。我很羡慕他是'神仙'，过着超然脱俗、至善于行、大隐于世的日子。后来听说他在'自然之友'做公益，还救助小动物，流浪猫养了十几只......"
因为他的低调，大家甚至认为他"过得还好"。但事实上，他一辈子没有过一份正式工作，生活上靠自食其力做些临时工的工资 ，至死都是个无产者。他全部的财产就是一辆破旧的自行车。他十分克己，处处为人着想，而自己的苦处难处，甚至重病的疾苦，都不向人倾诉。
在一个为蝇头小利、蚁尾微名而锱铢必较的社会，不少人带着失明的眼睛、混乱的思维、狂躁的情绪，为个人的得失呼天抢地。另一边却静静地伫立了另一类人，像刘迪这样的一类人。他们淡泊名利，忍饥挨饿，不愿屈服；他们为着中国人自由民主的目标不懈地尽力。即便在孤独之中，也还是虽千万人吾往矣。
正因为有这样的对比，刘迪这类人的形象让我们感动万分--他们贫穷，却最富有；他们简朴，却最慷慨；他们简单，却最智慧！
六、生与死、救与赎
1976年的四五运动已经过去35年，1989年的民主运动也过去22年了。当年的坦克、硝烟、鲜血、愤怒似乎已渐渐淡去。长安街上早已是车水马龙，热闹非凡。这条大道成了许多人奔向荣誉、富有、幸福的阶梯。年轻的几代，甚至不知道四五运动和民主墙运动是什么运动，也记不清以六四屠杀告终的民主运动发生在哪一年。他们弄不懂为了什么诉求，曾有成千上万的人们敢于用自己的血肉去抵挡政府的枪炮。
在海外，不下十万中国人由于六四而获得长久居留权，从此享受自由世界的一切。可是每年六四纪念日，来人却越来越少。在中国，利益甚至让一些人放弃沉默，而选择时髦，追捧当权者。当勇敢者越来越少的时候，就会有更多的懦弱、退却、撒谎、出卖、背信弃义；就会有为了苟活而对强权的卑躬屈膝。
我想提醒大家的是，一切不幸都有其根源。真正不幸的来源，不是天灾瘟疫、外族入侵，而是我们自己的愚昧、懦弱、卑怯。当每个人都不在乎世界在他身后崩溃的时候，当每个人都不愿意承担责任的时候，世界是一定会崩溃的！我想重复过去的颁奖词里的一句话：“正是因为我们理解大多数人生存的挣扎，我们更加尊重那些勇于献身的人。他们是少数，但是他们的精神却是我们向往和追求的。”
这样的少数人现在仍然在为中国做着非凡的努力。因为有这样一批人，每年的六月四日都成了中共专制政权担惊受怕的日子。中共戒备森严，处处防范，生怕又一次引发群众运动。刘迪这类少数人的存在，是我们中国人的骄傲。他们，才是我们中国的脊梁。
今年，我们将魏京生民主斗士奖颁发给刘迪先生，是对这样坚持努力的人们的鼓励。奖金的数目并不多。但我们希望，它可以给刘迪身边的亲友们一点慰籍。这代表了大家的感谢。
虽然刘迪没有看到他努力的结果就过早地离开了，我们衷心希望人们为有这样一个品德高尚的同胞而自豪，为有这样一个保持中国文化精髓的侠骨义肠之士而感动。我们也希望刘迪的离去让人们在羞愧中苏醒，看到自己的责任。这不仅是对刘迪的最好纪念，不仅是对像刘迪这样无数死去和正在牺牲的人们表达的崇高敬意，更是对自己灵魂的一次救赎。
一名一生致力于反抗专制的民主斗士这样说过："一个对专制和暴政屈服的人，在死以前已经死过一次了。我不应该在死以前就死，我应该在死的时候再死！"
生与死，救与赎，往往就在一念之差，往往就是在站起来大声说"不"的那个时刻。
大声地对独裁者们说"不"，选择的是高贵的苦难，灵魂和肉体因此要经历炼狱般的磨炼。但，这是为正义、民主、自由所做的选择。而所有为正义、民主、自由而献身的人，都将像夜空里的美丽星辰一样，永不坠落！
谢谢大家的倾听。
魏京生基金会执行主任
黄慈萍（签署）
2011年12月5日
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A671-W413
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A671-W413
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Noble Suffering, Fiery Soul
-- Prize Dedication to Liu Di as Recipient of the Eighth Annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" by the Wei Jingsheng Foundation
December 5, 2011
In Greece, there are three letters of the Greek alphabet with significant meaning -- OXI. On October 28 of every year, these three letters are celebrated and paraded, as Oxi Day (Ohi Day). These three letters mean "no", and represent supreme human dignity.
Ever since the word "no" has existed in Chinese, the Chinese have had such people who use their actions to announce "no" against authority, dictatorship, and tyranny. Their actions prove that they are men and women living with faith, instead of tamed lambs.
While the current China full of mercenariness, apathy, corruption, and selfishness, while there is continuous abuse of human rights and suppression of freedom by the Chinese Communist regime, the people who practice this "no" in China have special difficulties. A word of "no" brings years of harassment and suppression, loss of right to work and normal family, imprisonment, and even the sacrifice of precious lives. However, there are people in China who, despite poverty, difficulty, and even misunderstanding, keep their faith and say "no" to the authority and dictatorship. They advocate non-cooperation with the dictators, they do not sell themselves, do not compromise, and do not bow to the dictatorship -- because this is their only way of life, a noble way of life.
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1. A Special Award
This year, before the arrival of the cold winter, we had another round of selection for this year's "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize". During the selection period, we learned some sad news: a low-key perennial champion for Chinese democracy was spending his last days on his deathbed. He was Mr. Liu Di, a typical representative who used his actions to carry out "no" in his life, especially in the past 35 years. He is also an unknown ordinary person who is near the bottom of the Chinese society.
Mr. Wei Jingsheng himself made a nomination to award our 2011 "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" to Liu Di. Wei's proposal received unanimous support from members of the judging committee at the Wei Jingsheng Foundation We all believed that giving the prize to Liu Di would be more than just a recognition of him and the generation he represents for years of persistence against the authoritarian regime, yet without seeking fame and fortune. It will also inspire the generations following to struggle for Chinese democracy and freedom without giving up their faith. It was heartbreaking to learn that before our announcement of this year's prizewinner, Mr. Liu Di passed away at age 61. He did not even know the news that he was awarded this "Wei Jingsheng Democracy Champion Prize."
Indeed, this is a special prize. It is the first time that the Wei Jingsheng Foundation officially awarded the "Wei Jingsheng Democracy Champion Prize" to a person who has already passed away. It is also the first time for the prize to be awarded to a person due to his direct association with both the April 5th Tiananmen Movement of 1976 and the 1989 democracy movement 13 years later. Regarding the significance of the April 5th Tiananmen Movement of 1976, the Democracy Wall Movement of 1978, and the democracy movement that ended with the June 4 Massacre in 1989, Mr. Wei Jingsheng made following insightful comments:
"This series of pro-democracy movements illustrates the gradual awakening of the Chinese people from the obscurantist policy of the Communist Party. In 1976, people had already begun to disbelieve in the deception of the Communist Party. However, at that time, extremely few people openly opposed the Communist Party. People had to use the internal divisions within the Communist Party to put one faction against the other. It was the strategy of that time to borrow from the mythological figure of Zhong Kui (who could command tens of thousands of demons) to against ghosts and evil beings.
The 1978 Democracy Wall Movement was a continuation from the 1976 movement. People began to boldly blame the Communist Party and Mao Zedong. But most people still held illusions of the Communist Party. They believed in the philosophy of a clean government and were "against the corrupted officials instead of the emperor". Many people thought that when corrupted Communist officials were replaced by the good guys, the fate of China would be changed for the better. Only a small number of people were aware of the need to change the social system and did not have illusions about the one-party dictatorship and were willing to pay the price for such ideology.
In 1989, the Communist military used a bloody suppression against thousands of people who went to the streets to protest. The massacre of Chinese brothers and sisters completely shattered people's illusions and awakened them to realize the truth, that only when the political system of one-party dictatorship is overthrown and democracy is established, then could people possibly be emancipated.
The Internet nowadays is expanding the scope of this awakening and makes people realize that everyone else's thoughts are similar. This Internet movement is helping to prepare a new road for the democratic movement, to accelerate a new people's liberation movement. "
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2. "The Crew Cut" Liu Di
When the name of "Liu Di" is mentioned, many people do not even know who he is. In my hand, there are two thin layers of paper about his life. Yet, these two pages of trekking are spectacular. It turns out that he has been a household name for a long time as people know him by the nickname of "the crew cut" without knowing his real name "Liu Di." It turns out that Liu Di had been hardworking and did a lot for democratic progress in China, yet kept himself truly away from fame and fortune. After all, for more than 30 years, he had been facing poverty and hard days day and night.
Liu Di is "the crew cut" well known in China from the 1976 April 5th Tiananmen Movement. He was named "the crew cut" by the Communist newspaper People's Daily when he was leading the people and shouting slogans of protest against police suppression during that incident. He was wanted in the whole country as an important fugitive and was later arrested and jailed.
-- After Liu Di was released from prison in 1977, he participated in activities requesting re-addresses on the April 5 Tiananmen incident and was a main person participating in editing "Tiananmen Poems" from that incident.
-- Liu Di was one of the founders of the well-known independent publication "Beijing Spring" during the 1978 Democracy Wall movement.
-- Liu Di was one of the strategists organizing the 1980 democratic campaign for election among the college students in Beijing.
-- Liu Di also helped to found the largest private independent entity of that time, the "Beijing Institute of Social Economic Science" Foundation.
-- Liu Di participated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square democracy movement. As a consultant to the students, he was involved in the planning, organization, coordination, and made special contributions to help setup the command system for the Tiananmen Square, and to establish peace and order.
-- Liu Di was sent to jail the second time due to his involvement in the 1989 Tiananmen democracy movement.
-- After Liu Di was released from prison in 1990, he became one of the principal advisers to the relatives of political prisoners, and worked tirelessly to get the attention and aid of the international community, to stop the persecution and to defend human rights.
-- For years, Liu Di continued to organize commemorations of the June 4 Massacre, thus receiving long time beating from the police.
-- Liu Di suffered years of persecution, therefore had no fixed income and was always living in poverty.
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3. The Mainstay
The April 5th Movement of 1976, the Democracy Wall movement of 1978, and the democracy movement of 1989 are the most breath-taking movements in China since Chinese Communist Party rule. During these movements, the Chinese people who were suppressed for decades suddenly took on colossal stature and indomitable spirit to bravely speak loud. They were able to show spirit of courage, firmness, and unity, and were not afraid of death.
Even until now, whenever we think of that, we are moved to tears. After the gunshots in the early morning of June 4, 1989, no one could clearly tell how many brave and innocent bodies lay on that wide and long Chang'an Avenue. That year, the Chinese people both inside China and abroad, as well as people around the world, were immersed in profound shock and grief. Many people dropped tears day by day. These were days of a loud "no", a brilliant period left to generations for remembrance.
It is worthwhile mentioning that, although the protagonists of the 1989 democracy movement seemed to be students, in fact the average citizens of Beijing and other places were the mainstay. These people had families to take care of with inherent difficulty in their lives. They experienced the systematic Communist suppressions of the anti-rightist campaign and the Cultural Revolution, etc. They saw the overwhelming disaster resistance could bring. In comparison to the young students who were like "young cows do not afraid of tigers", those civilians had thousands of well-founded reasons to fear, to withdraw, and to keep silence. But these civilians behaved incomparably bravely. After the June 4 massacre that suppressed the 1989 democracy movement, these civilians were the group that suffered the most.
Liu Di was a typical representative of these civilians. Liu Di belonged to the generation of "old youth" who were sent to the countryside by Mao Zedong's Communist regime. He belonged to that generation who experienced the extraordinary waves of history, and thus had very turbulent lives. That generation lost the normal education opportunities and job opportunities. They experienced changes and suffering in their families. They suffered much more ordeal than the several generations of people after them. Yet, they are particularly strong, especially pure, and keep the spirit of lofty idealism. They have a consistent hold on the faith, so in dealing with others they are very honorable, with generous love, and hard-working ethics. We are not surprised that when Liu Di was in prison without knowing death or life for his own future, he would do everything possible to give his limited food ration to the young students who were in prison with him.
When the suffering of the students gradually abated, some student leaders went abroad, while some others went to do business, or even become company CEO's. Almost none of them were as poor and unknown to the public as Liu Di. Whenever we think of this, our hearts cannot be kept quiet. We want to appeal loudly: Never Forget! Without the support from the average people like Liu Di, the democracy movement would not have such a splendid brilliance. We cannot remain indifferent to their situation, and let people like Liu Di left so quietly.
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4. Phototropism and "Content with One's Lot"
Liu Di left this world quietly. When he was gone, only a few people knew that he was the well-known "crew cut". However, Liu Di has left us many valuable things.
What Liu Di moved us was not only the courage and vision he had back in 1976, but more his consistency in later years and his silence of self-sacrifice. We were surprised to find that Liu Di is the most low-key democratic activist we have seen.
His humbleness reminds me of the opposite adjective "photo-tropic" -- many kinds of biological creatures are photo-tropic: they instinctively lean towards or are willing to get close to the light source. In our human world, "phototropism" also represents the longing for fame, status, and glory; the expectation to be discovered, understood, to be approved, and to be praised. We fully understand this instinctive yearning.
However, Liu Di is an alternative. He deliberately avoided the source of reputation. He chose to face the darkness for a long time. He did not try to let people know that he was that famous "crew cut." He did not mind his own laurels. Sometimes I wonder, with all the years of effort and sacrifice while facing that buried, misunderstood, and forgotten status, did Liu Di ever had inner sadness for his vicissitudes of life? Even so, it is very reasonable, right? However, we know that Liu Di was always in the same: he did not complain and was quiet. He did not care if his deserved merits were credited, and he did not give up.
Once, when someone asked him about his bravery during the April 5th Movement, he replied: "At that time, I did not think much. I knew that we were bound to fail and would not have a good outcome. I am just one of the people, and I just did what I should do. It is my duty to be content with my lot. What is the content of my lot? Learning for a student, farming for a peasant, working for a worker. When we are faced with such a feudal fascist type of 'Cultural Revolution', rising to rebel is the duty of every Chinese with conscience."
In fact, although Liu Di was the field commander of the April 5th Movement, he became the leader as a "last resort," the "had to be a leader" figure. In an effort to help an unknown youth escape, he rushed to the scene to be the commander. With this mood of "content with one's lot", Liu Di had no greed, and willingly stayed alone to be poor without pessimistic sorrow. He never gave up his battle for democracy, despite being suppressed to the very bottom of the society since 1976. Friends know that Liu did a lot of things in private, or came forward in dangerous times, even to be punished on behalf of others, but never wanted public limelight.
Fyodor Dostoyevsky once asked when he was studying pain: Which is more worth it? Having cheap happiness, or noble suffering? I can hear Liu Di stand up and loudly said: Of course the noble suffering! Liu Di instinctively chose the latter, to suffer for the Chinese people as his content for happiness. From this selection, we see real courage and rare temperament.
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5. The Poorest, Yet the Wealthiest
In the days since Liu Di passed away, his friends and relatives have begun to write articles memorializing him. Thus we are able to get a more comprehensive understanding of Liu Di's life.
Born in a family of intellectuals, Liu Di had the opportunity to apply for graduate study in history, but gave it up in order to be able to print and distribute "Beijing Spring" magazine. Although he never again had access to higher education, people think of him as one of the "friends who know most."
His knowledge came from his insight and experience with the plight of the people when he was in the countryside at a young age, as well as from his tireless study and a deep grasp of the essence of traditional Chinese culture. This background made Liu Di full of chivalry, warmth, love, and modesty in his personality. Friends recalled: "He often accepted distressed strangers into his home to take care of them. Some people lived with him for months or even longer." "Liu Di's chivalrous nature with his kindness made him both caring and an honorable person. He not only had the courage to sacrifice himself in maintaining social justice, but also would give a helping hand whenever friends had difficulties. He helped many people a lot." "Occasionally when friends were having a party, Liu Di would come in in a rush and leave in a rush. I am envious that he lived like a 'god', living aloof, and doing his good deeds. Later on, I heard that he was doing public service at the 'Friends of Nature', and also rescued small animals, raising more than a dozen stray cats... "
Because of his low-key nature, people even thought that he "lived okay." But in fact, all his life he never had a formal job. He made some income from the wages of temporary work and was a true "proletarian" till his death. All of his "property" was an old bicycle. He was a very restrained and always considerate man. Yet, he did not tell others the grievances of his own difficulties, even the suffering of serious illness.
In this society of arguing for petty wealth and tiny material lives, there are many people with blind eyes, confused thinking, and manic mood. They would be screaming in pain for personal gains and losses. On the other side, there are the other kind of people who stand there quietly, just like Liu Di. They do not care about fame and fortune. They endure hunger and poverty. They are unwilling to yield. They strive relentlessly for the goal of freedom and democracy in China. Even in solitude, they still dare to fight against the army of tens of millions.
Exactly such contrast makes us deeply touched by people like Liu Di -- they are poor, yet the wealthiest; they are of little means, yet the most generous; they are simple, yet the most intelligent.
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6. Life and Death, Salvation and Redemption
The April 5h Movement of 1976 has been gone for 35 years now. The 1989 democracy movement has been gone for 22 years. Tanks, smoke, blood, and anger seems to have faded. Chang'an Avenue in Beijing is busy and crowded again. This avenue has become the ladder for many people running toward honor, wealth, and happiness. Younger generations even do not know what the April 5th Movement and the Democracy Wall movement were, nor do they remember which year it was that ended a pro-democracy movement with the June 4 massacre. They could not understand why there were tens of thousands of people having the courage to use their own flesh and blood to resist guns and canons of the government.
Abroad, no less than 100,000 Chinese obtained long-term residence due to the June 4 massacre in China and thus are now able to enjoy all that the free world has to offer. But every year on June 4, there are less and less coming for remembrance. In China, personal interest even makes some people give up their rights and keep quiet, and pursuit those in power like a fashion. When there are less and less brave people, there will be more cowardice, retreat, lying, betrayal, and treachery; then one will see more obsequiousness to power for the purpose of just to live.
I would like to remind everyone that all this misfortune has its roots. Unfortunately, the real source of misfortune in China is not due to a natural disaster, plague, or an invasion of the aliens, but due to our own ignorance, cowardice, and abjection. When everyone does not care about the collapse of the world, when everyone is unwilling to assume responsibility, the world will certainly collapse. I want to repeat a sentence from a previous dedication: "Exactly because one understands the struggle to survive for most people, one has more respect for those brave people who have the courage of sacrifice. They are a minority, but their spirit is our desire and pursuit."
A small number of this kind of people are still doing extraordinary efforts in China. Because there are such groups of people, June 4 of every year becomes a fearful day for the Communist regime. The Communist regime is heavily guarded, always guarded, for fear of triggering another mass movement. The existence of the minority people like Liu Di is the pride of the Chinese people. They are the backbone and true leaders of China.
This year, we award the "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" to Liu Di, as our way to encourage people who have insistent and consistent effort. Although there is not too much money associated with this award, we still hope that it helps to offer some condolence and comfort to friends and relatives around Di Liu. It represents the gratitude people carry toward Liu Di.
Although Liu Di passed away prematurely before he saw the result of his efforts, we sincerely hope that people will be proud of this compatriot with high moral character, and be moved for a person who kept such a chivalry from the essence of Chinese culture, along with his sense of justice. We also hope that people will move away from their shame and realize their own responsibility from Liu Di's departure from this world. This realization would not only be the best memorial of Liu Di, and not only a way to express noble respect to countless people who have already passed away or are making sacrifices as of now, but more a way of salvation of souls for themselves.
A fighter dedicated to the fight for democracy against autocracy once said: "A person who yields to autocracy and tyranny has already died once. I should not die so. I must die at the time of my death."
Life and death, salvation and redemption, often result in a split second -- especially often at the moment when people stand up and say "no".
To say "no" loudly to the dictators, is to choose the noble suffering, thus one must experience hell-like suffering for one's soul and body. Such is the choice for justice, for democracy, and for freedom. All the people who sacrifice their lives for justice, democracy, and freedom will never fall, just as the beautiful stars shining in the night sky.
Thank you for listening.
Ciping Huang (signed)
Executive Director
Wei Jingsheng Foundation
The eighth annual "Wei Jingsheng Chinese Democracy Champion Prize" announcement:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2011/report2011-12/WJSF8thPrize111205announcementA670-W412.htm
Photos related to Liu Di and the April 5th movement of 1976:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/group1976speaker.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuD1976group.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuDfuneral1110Beijing.jpg
(The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is grateful to Yike CHENG for her great contribution of composing this dedication, and for her long time voluntary work and other contributions to this Foundation.)
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魏京生基金会第八届 "魏京生中国民主斗士奖"颁发公告：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2011/report2011-12/WJSF8thPrize111205announcementA670-W412.htm
有关刘迪及1976年的四五运动的相片：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/group1976speaker.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuD1976group.jpg
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2011/newsletters2011-4/LiuDfuneral1110Beijing.jpg
（程以克为本次颁奖词的主要撰稿人，魏京生基金会对她的工作表示感谢，并感谢她多年来的义务劳动及其它重要贡献。）
（魏京生基金会首发，请注明出处。www.weijingsheng.org）
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魏京生基金会及中国民主运动海外联席会议以推动中国的人权与民主为己任。
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