萨缪尔·亨廷顿（Samuel P.Huntington 1927－2008年），美国当代最负盛名的政治学家之一，哈佛大学政治学系教授。
1996年，美国著名政治学家萨缪尔·亨廷顿的代表作：《文明冲突与世界秩序的重建》出版刊行，随即在学界引起了轩然大波。直到现在，围绕该书中观点的争论从未停止。但毫无疑问的是，当下世界政治中的难民问题，伊斯兰极端主义问题，使得亨廷顿的话语像是预言的幽灵一般盘旋在我们的头上。正值《文明冲突》一书出版20周年之际，我们颇有必要重新审视亨廷顿的教诲。雅理君特地精选了亨氏著作中的部分内容，照原文译出，与君分享（译者系上海交通大学凯原法学院研究生高一宁）。同时作为著名英剧Yes Prime Minister的脑残粉，雅理君也选取了该剧中与亨氏语录颇相呼应的段落，供君一笑！若您阅读后有所收获，敬请关注或分享雅理读书（yalipub）1."The West won the world not by the superiority of its ideas or values or religion […] but rather by its superiority in applying organized violence. Westerners often forget this fact; non-Westerners never do."
― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order
西方成为这世界的赢家，所依凭的并不是其理念、价值或宗教的优越……而在于其更有能力运用有组织的暴力。西方人经常忘记这一事实；但非西方的民众永远也不会忘记。
《文明冲突与世界秩序的重建》英文版书影
2. "Some Westerners […] have argued that the West does not have problems with Islam but only with violent Islamist extremists. Fourteen hundred years of history demonstrate otherwise."― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order有些西方人……总在主张，西方与之格格不入的并不是伊斯兰教义，而仅仅是暴力的伊斯兰极端分子。但，过去1400年的历史反证了这种观点。3."Expectations should not always be taken as reality; because you never know when you will be disappointed."― Samuel P. Huntington
期待就是期待，永远不要当作是现实；因为你永远都不知道何时会期待落空。
Jim Hacker英剧Yes Prime Minister中的首相大人
Sir Humphrey ApplebyYes Prime Minister中的首相常任秘书，高级公务员Jim Hacker取自Yes Prime Minister第1季第6集
4. "In the emerging world of ethnic conflict and civilizational clash, Western belief in the universality of Western culture suffers three problems: it is false; it is immoral; and it is dangerous."― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order眼下的世界，种族矛盾和文明冲突正浮出水面，由是观之，西方人认为西方文化四海皆准的观念存在三个问题：它是错误的，它是不道德的，它是危险的（重要的事说三遍！）
《文明的冲突与世界秩序的重建》（左图最新版），亨廷顿著，周琪、刘绯、张立平、王圆译，新华出版社2010年版。5."Islam's borders are bloody and so are its innards. The fundamental problem for the West is not Islamic fundamentalism. It is Islam, a different civilisation whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power."― Samuel P. Huntington伊斯兰的边界战火纷飞，其内里又何尝不是如此。对西方来说，根本问题并不在于伊斯兰原教旨主义。问题就在于伊斯兰文明本身，这是一种迥异于西方的文明，他们的人民笃信自家文明的优越性，但同时也受困于其在力量上的短板。
6."Every civilization sees itself as the center of the world and writes its history as the central drama of human history."― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order每一种文明都将自己视为世界的中心，在书写自家的历史时，都仿佛在编写人类历史的核心剧本。
7."Arabs and other Muslims generally agreed that Saddam Hussein might be a bloody tyrant, but, paralleling FDR's thinking, "he is our bloody tyrant." In their view, the invasion was a family affair to be settled within the family and those who intervened in the name of some grand theory of international justice were doing so to protect their own selfish interests and to maintain Arab subordination to the west."― Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order阿拉伯和其他穆斯林人大体同意，萨达姆·侯赛因是一个血腥的暴君，但是，若用富兰克林·罗斯福的讲法，"他是我们自家的血腥暴君。"在他们看来，这场侵略是穆斯林的自家事，因此自家事自家处理；以国际正义的宏大理论之名，有些人插手干预，他们这么做其实是处于维护自己的自私利益，维持阿拉伯世界对西方的臣服。8."Power remains strong when it remains in the dark; exposed to the sunlight it begins to evaporate."― Samuel P. HuntingtonAmerican Politics: The Promise of Disharmony
当权力埋伏在暗处时，权力是强大的；一旦暴露在阳光下，就开始蒸发消散。
《美国政治：不协调的允诺》（American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony）书影9."Hypocrisy, double standards, and "but nots" are the price of universalist pretensions. Democracy is promoted, but not if it brings Islamic fundamentalists to power; nonproliferation is preached for Iran and Iraq, but not for Israel; free trade is the elixir of economic growth, but not for agriculture; human rights are an issue for China, but not with Saudi Arabia; aggression against oil-owning Kuwaitis is massively repulsed, but not against non-oil-owning Bosnians. Double standards in practice are the unavoidable price of universal standards of principle."― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order伪善、双重标准、以及诸多"如若，则不是"，乃是普世主义者自大狂所要付出的代价。民主在四处被推销，如若民主会让伊斯兰原教旨主义登堂入室，则就不是民主；防止核武器扩散是对伊朗和伊拉克的忽悠，但却不会针对以色列；自由贸易被认为是经济增长的灵丹妙药，但却不适用于农业；人权对于中国是一个问题，沙特阿拉伯却能置身事外；侵略出产石油的科威特，当即成为共同的敌人，但侵略没有石油的波斯尼亚却可以逍遥法外。在实践中的双重标准，乃是原则成为普世标准后必须要付出的代价。
10."God and Caesar, church and state, spiritual authority and temporal authority, have been a prevailing dualism in Western culture. Only in Hindu civilization were religion and politics also so distinctly separated. In Islam, God is Caesar; in China and Japan, Caesar is God; in Orthodoxy, God is Caesar's junior partner."― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order上帝和凯撒、教会和国家、精神权威和世俗权威，始终是西方文化流行的二元论。只有在印度文明中，宗教和政治才有如此泾渭分明的分离。在伊斯兰文明中，上帝就是凯撒；在中国和日本，凯撒就是上帝；而在东正教，上帝不过是凯撒的助手而已。
亨廷顿：《变化社会中的政治秩序》，王冠华等译，上海人民出版社，2008年版。11."The philosophical assumptions, underlying values, social relations, customs, and overall outlooks on life differ significantly among civilizations. The revitalization of religion throughout much of the world is reinforcing these cultural differences. Cultures can change, and the nature of their impact on politics and economics can vary from one period to another. Yet the major differences in political and economic development among civilizations are clearly rooted in their different cultures. East Asian economic success has its source in East Asian culture, as do the difficulties East Asian societies have had in achieving stable democratic political systems. Islamic culture explains in large part the failure of democracy to emerge in much of the Muslim world."― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order若论及哲学预设、根本价值、社会关系、习惯和整体上的人生观，则文明之间殊途。宗教的复兴目前正在全世界四处开花，也在强化了此类文化差异。文化可以变，文化如何影响政治和经济，此时代就不同于彼时代。然而，在文明之间，政治和经济发展的主要差异显然植根于它们各不相同的文化中。东亚经济能成功，归根到底在于东亚文化，反过来，东亚社会在追求稳定的民主政体时所遇到的麻烦，也要追溯至其文化。伊斯兰文化也在很大程度上解释了穆斯林世界大部分的民主失败。12."The dangerous clashes of the future are likely to arise from the interaction of Western arrogance, Islamic intolerance, and Sinic assertiveness."― Samuel P. HuntingtonThe Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order
在未来世界，危险的冲突很可能起因于在西方傲慢、伊斯兰的不宽容和中华文明的独断之间的互动。
亨廷顿：《第三波：20世纪后期的民主化浪潮》，欧阳景根译，人民大学出版社2013年版。13."Becoming a modern society is about industrialization, urbanization, and rising levels of literacy, education, and wealth. The qualities that make a society Western, in contrast, are special: the classical legacy, Christianity, the separation of church and state, the rule of law, civil society."― Samuel P. Huntington成为一个现代社会，所要求的是工业化、城市化、文教昌明和财力强盛。而那些让一个社会成其为西方的各种品质，相比之下，却是特殊的：古典时代的遗产、基督教、政教分离、法治、以及公民社会。14."It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation-states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future."― Samuel P. Huntington
这就是我的假说：在这个新世界中，冲突的根本根源主要不是意识形态的或经济的。人类内部的大分歧，以及冲突的主要根源，将是文化的。民族国家仍将是国际事务中的最主要角色，但全球政治的根本冲突将发生在不同文明的民族和团体之间。诸文明之间的冲突将主导全球政治。文明之间的分界线，将成为未来的战线。
亨廷顿：《谁是美国人：美国国民特性面临的挑战》，程克雄译，新华出版社2010年版。15."People define themselves in terms of ancestry, religion, language, history, values, customs, and institutions. They identify with cultural groups: tribes, ethnic groups, religious communities, nations, and, at the broadest level, civilizations. People use politics not just to advance their interests but also to define their identity. We know who we are only when we know who we are not and often only when we know whom we are against."― Samuel P. Huntington,The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order人们定义他们自己，根据的是血缘、宗教、语言、历史、价值观念、习俗和制度。他们归属于文化的团体，如部落、族群、宗教共同体、民族，以及最广意义上的文明。人们运用政治，不仅是推进他们的利益，而且要以此定义他们的身份。只有当我们知道我们不是谁，甚至常常需要我们知道我们的敌人是谁的时候，我们才知道我们是谁。
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