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新出版的《赵紫阳文集》本月出现在香港的一次书展上，旁边配有他的照片。赵紫阳是1989年被剥夺权力的中共领导人。Anthony Wallace/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
2016年7月29日
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被官方封为伟人的中国共产党退休或已故领导人，通常会得到出版他们文集的隆重待遇。一般来说，除了偶然有一些学者、或受命阅读的党员们，很少有人去读那些讲话和文章的厚厚合订本。
但是，1989年被赶下台的赵紫阳被剥夺了这一荣誉。那年，赵紫阳权势强大的顶头上司邓小平支持了保守派，他们曾指责赵紫阳让学生的示威抗议失去了控制。赵紫阳于2005年去世，死时仍是被官方遗弃的人，处于被软禁的状态，即使在现在，党媒也很少提他的名字，他的讲话和文章在中国很难找到，因为他倒台后，大陆禁止发行他的相关作品。
但现在，赵紫阳以前同事的一个匿名小组与赵的家人合作，出了一部四卷的《赵紫阳文集》，搜集整理了80年代以来赵紫阳的讲话和文章。他在那段时间里曾帮助引导中国的经济改革，与反对他逐步让政治自由化的想法的保守派发生了越来越多的冲突。
"起步于80年代的改革开放改变了数以亿计中国人的命运，应该说每一个中国人的个人与家庭都和赵紫阳有关，"香港中文大学出版社社长甘琦在一封电子邮件中写道。"众所周知，可靠的一手文献是历史研究的基础。"
香港出版商在越来越多地受到来自北京的压力的威胁，尤其是在五名书商失踪、在内地遭拘押之后。但甘琦表示，她不会对出版赵紫阳的文集感到不安，她希望这些著作可以帮助人们理解那个重塑中国的时代。编辑们表示，其中超过90%的内容之前不曾公开发表过。
"作为一家立场中立的学术出版机构，中大出版社的工作一切如常，我们会一如既往地出版有高质量的学术书籍，"甘琦说。
尽管如此，甘琦表示，这些匿名的中国汇编者还是删掉了赵紫阳在1989年所做的重要讲话。当时，武装力量在邓小平授意之下对占据天安门广场的学生抗议者实施清场，随后赵紫阳被迫下台。军队在6月3日进入北京，有许多说法称他们杀死了数以百计的人，并在6月4日凌晨占领了广场。
赵紫阳最后一次以中共领导人身份亮相是在5月19日。那次现身声名远扬。当时，他来到天安门广场，悲伤而含蓄地向抗议者表示，他来得"太晚了"。那次演讲及其他一些讲话并没有收入《赵紫阳文集》。
甘琦表示，文集的汇编者有意避开了赵紫阳在天安门抗议活动前后发表的讲话，因为这个问题"太复杂"。她称，出版这套文集的主要目的是"总结改革开放的起步十年的经验教训"。
最初阅读这些文字时，我并没有发现任何爆炸性的内幕信息。赵紫阳私下记录自己在位时期事件的回忆录已于2009年出版（尽管在中国大陆依然被禁）。
不过，《赵紫阳文集》会增加一些微妙的细节，有助于理解他的那个时代。它们形象地展现出中国领导层面临的一个即使在今天依然存在的挥之不去的问题：如何让经济自由化与支撑共产党政权的意识形态保持一致。
在80年代，这两大主题之间的冲突变得日益尖锐。1980年，赵紫阳升任国务院总理。这一提拔基于他在西南省份四川取得的成功，在那里他放松了对农业和工业的控制。1987年，他接替胡耀邦，成为中共中央总书记，后者因压制异见人士和学生抗议者不利而被邓小平解职。
赵紫阳以中共领导人的身份发表的讲话显示出，他试图一边安抚意识形态上的保守派，一边保持经济调整的势头。那些保守派因自由派观念传播和异见的增多而心生警惕。自始至终，赵紫阳还必须让在背后关注着一切的中共元老满意，尤其是邓小平。
自1987年初开始，邓小平开启了针对"资产阶级自由化"的运动，这种矛盾变得愈发尖锐。"资产阶级自由化"在这里指的是自由派观念和异议。赵紫阳竭力在开展这项运动的同时保持一道防火墙，确保它不会扩大到经济领域，以致扭转市场改革的方向。
"对资产阶级自由化思潮进行坚决地斗争，同时必须十分注意政策界限，"赵紫阳在1987年1月发表的演讲中提到。这份讲稿收录在《赵紫阳文集》中。"其实，不改革，也必然会助长资产阶级自由化。"
在回忆录中，赵紫阳描述了他慢慢才艰难地意识到，成功的经济改革也需要对中国的政治体制进行彻底的改革，让公众更大程度地参与，加强官员问责。他从来都不是一名完全的民主人士，但他逐渐开始认为，中国自上而下的政府制度需要适应时代的变迁。
这套文集中最引人关注的一些文件要数赵紫阳自1987年10月开始绘制的政治改革蓝图。在这份计划及与之同时发表的讲话中，赵紫阳提出共产党可以在引入改革的同时依然掌控局面。这些改革可以让党放松日常的政府行政管理，给民众和企业界更多自主权，让他们对自己的事务有发言权。
"政治体制改革必须在党的领导下有步骤有秩序地进行，"改革计划中写道。"当然，事前考虑再周全，也难免出点问题。"
储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》驻京记者。
欢迎在Twitter上关注本文作者储百亮 @ChuBailiang。
Adam Wu对本文有研究贡献。
翻译：纽约时报中文网
BEIJING — Retired and dead Chinese Communist Party leaders who join the official pantheon are usually feted with the publication of their collected works. Generally, the fat volumes of speeches and writings are rarely read by anyone except the occasional scholar and party members ordered to study them.
But that honor has been denied to Zhao Ziyang, the party leader ousted in 1989, when Deng Xiaoping, his powerful elder, sided with conservatives who blamed Mr. Zhao for letting student protesters get out of control. Mr. Zhao died in 2005, still an official pariah under house arrest, and even now his name is rarely mentioned in the party-run news media, and his speeches and writings are hard to track down in China, where their circulation wasbanned after his fall.
Now, however, an unnamed group of Mr. Zhao's former associates, in cooperation with his family, has published "Collected Works," a four-volume set of his speeches and writings from the 1980s, when he helped steer China's economic overhauls and increasingly clashed with conservatives who opposed his ideas for a measure of political liberalization.
Even though the compilers left out Mr. Zhao's historic speeches during the upheavals of 1989, readers in mainland China will have a hard time getting their hands on the books. They have been published by the Chinese University Press in Hong Kong, a self-governed city that remains beyond the direct reach of party censors.
"The reform and opening up launched in China in the 1980s transformed the fates of more than a billion Chinese, and you could even say that each Chinese person, each family, has some connection to Zhao Ziyang," Gan Qi, the director of the Chinese University Press, wrote in an email. "Reliable firsthand documentation is the foundation of historical research."
Publishers in Hong Kong have felt increasingly intimidated by pressure from Beijing, especially after five booksellers disappeared into detention in mainland China. But Ms. Gan said that she was not nervous about publishing Mr. Zhao's works and hoped that they would shed light on an era that reshaped China. Over 90 percent of the contents have not been openly published before, according to the editors.
"As an academic publishing house that takes a neutral stance, the Chinese University Press continues its work as normal," Ms. Gan said.
Even so, the unnamed Chinese compilers omitted major speeches that Mr. Zhao made in 1989, when he was forced from power after Deng authorized using armed force to clear student protesters occupying Tiananmen Square, Ms. Gan said. The soldiers pushed into Beijing on June 3, killing hundreds of people by many accounts, and they took the square in the early hours of June 4.
In Mr. Zhao's famed final appearance as party leader, he arrived at the square in May 19 and mournfully but cryptically told the protesters that he had come "too late." That speech and others do not appear in "Collected Works."
Ms. Gan said the editors of the collection deliberately avoided speeches that Mr. Zhao gave around the time of the Tiananmen protests because the issue was "too complicated." The main objective of publishing his works, she said, was to "sum up the experiences and lessons of the first decade of reform and opening up."
My initial read of the works did not disclose any explosive revelations. Mr. Zhao's secretly recorded memoirs of his time in power were alreadypublished in 2009 (although they remain banned in China).
But "Collected Works" will add nuance to understanding his time, and they vividly show an abiding problem for Chinese leaders, even today: how to square economic liberalization with the ideological underpinnings of Communist Party power.
In the 1980s, conflicts between those priorities grew increasingly acute. Mr. Zhao was promoted to premier in 1980 on the basis of his success in southwest Sichuan Province, where he loosened controls on farming and industry. He was promoted to party general secretary in 1987, succeeding Hu Yaobang, whom Deng had demoted for his failure to extinguish dissent and student protests.
Mr. Zhao's speeches as party leader show him trying to mollify ideological conservatives, alarmed by the spread of liberal ideas and dissent, while preserving the momentum of economic adjustment. And all the time, he had to satisfy the party elders, especially Deng, watching over his shoulder.
Those tensions became increasingly sharp from early 1987, when Deng began a campaign against "bourgeois liberalization," a term for liberal and dissenting ideas. Mr. Zhao strained to carry out the campaign while keeping a firewall to ensure that it did not spill over into the economy and reverse market reforms.
"We must determinedly struggle against the wave of bourgeois, but at the same time must be extremely careful about policy boundaries," Mr. Zhao said in a speech in January 1987 reprinted in "Collected Works." "In fact, failing to reform would surely spur on bourgeois liberalization."
In his memoirs, Mr. Zhao described how he only haltingly came to believe that successful economic change would also require overhauling China's political institutions, allowing for greater public participation and official accountability. He was never a fully fledged democrat but came to believe that China's top-down government needed to adapt to changing times.
One of the most interesting documents in the works is Mr. Zhao's blueprint for political reorganization from October 1987. There and in an accompanying speech, Mr. Zhao argued that the party could maintain control while introducing changes that removed it from day-to-day government administration and gave citizens and businesses more autonomy and say over their affairs.
"Reform of the political system must proceed in a measured, orderly way under the leadership of the party," the blueprint said. "Of course, no matter how much forethought is given, it will be hard to avoid a few problems."
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