阿拉伯国家的茉莉花革命正在如火如荼。最顽固的独裁者，利比亚的卡扎非上校，正在利用西方石油公司抬高油价的努力，拌住美国干预利比亚局势的后腿。他试图负隅顽抗的努力会给石油市场带来不利的消息，但是已经无法阻止阿拉伯世界的民主浪潮。在石油价格上升到预计的高度之后，美国人也救不了这个独裁者的命。毕竟没有人喜欢独裁者，也没有人能够长期违背人民的意愿。
前些日子中国的小青年们试着搞了场中国茉莉花的虚惊，把中共吓得不轻。出动的军警比散步的人群还多。又是直升机巡逻，又是封锁校园，闹了个不亦乐乎。最近在人民代表大会上又宣布了所谓的五个不的原则：宣称中国「不搞多党轮流执政，不搞指导思想多元化，不搞『三权鼎立』和两院制，不搞联邦制，不搞私有化」，等等。
看上去好像是茉莉花革命促使中共变得更强硬了，是个失败。 其实不然。中共这种丧失理智的强硬，正是它走向灭亡的前兆。中共这种反常的镇压措施，等于是提醒人们关注民主革命，等于是宣布中共自身已经十分脆弱。这比小青年们的煽动更有效地告诉了社会大众一个信号：中国的茉莉花革命确实不远了。
就在中共内的反动派走向更加专制的同时， 西藏流亡政府在他们的临时首都达兰萨拉也要举行人民的代表大会，直接选举流亡政府的总理。在这之前，达赖喇嘛已经公开宣布，他以后将完全退出政治领袖的地位，仅仅担任精神领袖。从此，西藏流亡政府的民主化进入到了一个重要的阶段。
很多内地的朋友因为信息封锁， 不太了解西藏的历史沿革和政治体制。他们仅凭共产党的歪曲宣传，以为达赖喇嘛就是个农奴主头子。其实细想一想，这个说法就不攻自破了。流亡的藏人并不是农奴，而是散居在世界各地的自由民。为什么他们还是聚集在达赖喇嘛周围，坚定地维护流亡政府的权威呢？所谓农奴主太子的说法显然不能自圆其说。
西藏人民团结在达赖喇嘛周围，首先是因为他们的信仰。 藏族人民全民信仰喇嘛教，这是众所周知的事情。所以，共同的信仰就成为西藏人民团结抗暴的基础。共产党能把人家赶出自己的家园，但不能把信仰赶出人家的心灵。这是共产党必然失败的根源。
由于历史的沿革，也由于流亡的艰难， 西藏流亡政府虽然早已改革成为民主政府的结构，但由于达赖喇嘛的崇高威望，流亡政府虽然形式上民主了，但是运行中仍然是达赖喇嘛或他的代表说了算。事实上保留着政教合一的结构，也因此保留了诸多不民主的弊病。不但人民的意愿得不到充分的尊重，官僚作风降低了办事效率，而且给出卖藏人权益的坏分子和中共的统战对象，留下了巨大的活动空间。结果是直接阻碍着西藏民族和民主事业的发展。
早在二十年前， 达赖喇嘛和流亡的藏人就深刻地意识到了不民主的结构的种种弊病，就提出了改革的目标。经过二十多年的酝酿，他们终于完成了第一步的改革目标，从而彻底地走出了政教合一的阴影，实行了政教分离的政治模式。这个模式完全摆脱了达赖喇嘛个人的影响，由人民直接选举的领袖来治理国家。这种国家结构类似于欧洲的君主立宪制，是民主体制的两种典型制度之一。
过去，在流亡政府的民主体制不完善的时候， 中共不但可以钻空子搞它的统战阴谋，而且政教合一的制度本身也没有竞争力，和共产党的一党专政体制半斤八两。这对于西藏人民不具有更大的号召力。就像很多西藏人民说的那样：过去当农奴，现在当社员，都差不多啦。藏人反抗中共暴政的主要动力来自于宗教信仰。
改革后的流亡政府，具有了完全不同的竞争力。 比宗教信仰更吸引人民的，是民主自由的社会制度。人民的权利和利益，是和人民的信仰一样重要的生活支柱。在西藏人民的心目中，流亡政府给予人民的将不仅仅是心灵的支柱，也包括了生存的支柱。如果说过去的五十年和中共只是打了个平手的话，在今后的岁月中，中共的一党专政则完全失去了竞争力，将必败无疑。
西藏人民将不会再说农奴和社员差不多了。 一种虽然不清楚但是可望也可及的，和西方人民现在差不多的自由的生活就展现在眼前。这个比较在老百姓眼里很简单：是继续当共产党的农奴还是当自由的人。把现在西藏、中国的现实和西方人民的生活一比较，答案肯定不会有两个。
过去，主持西藏工作的中共官员们面临的敌人主要是宗教。 他们在藏区镇压宗教势力，在汉族里宣传所谓的宗教分离主义。现在不同了。镇压宗教信仰不但不会有效，而且还要面对一个更有吸引力的对手，那就是人人生而具有的爱好自由的心理。中共将无法回答这样的问题：我们希望过上和西方人一样的民主自由的生活，你们不愿意给也给不了，为什么不让我们独立？这时候制造分裂的就是中共的一党专政了。
流亡政府的改革给全体西藏人民树立了追求的目标。 这是战胜独裁专制，保护民族文化和发展民族经济的根本法宝。
聆听魏京生先生的相关录音，请访问：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2011/WeiJS110311TibetanPoliticalReform.mp3
（撰写并录音于2011年3月11日。自由亚洲电台播出。）
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The Political Reform of the Tibetan Government-in-exile
-- Wei Jingsheng
The Jasmine revolution in the Arabic countries is in full swing. The most stubborn dictator, Libyan Colonel Gadhafi, took advantage of the Western petroleum companies' efforts to raise the oil price in trying to hold back the US' intervening in the situation in Libya. His last ditch efforts may bring bad news to the petroleum market, yet have been unable to stop the tide of democracy in the Arab world. When the petroleum prices reach a limiting height, even the Americans will not save this dictator's life. After all, no one likes a dictator and no one can be against the will of the people for a long time.
Not long ago, the Chinese Jasmine Revolution tried out by some Chinese youths really frightened the Chinese Communist regime. It ended with more military police being dispatched than the people who only tried to walk around in public areas. The regime was really busy for a while, including sending helicopter patrols, and even blocking campuses, etc. Most recently, at its so called People's Congress, the Communist regime even declared a so-called "principles of five no's", being "no to multi-party systems playing a role in power; no to the engagement of diversity regarding guidance of ideology; no to the independence of legislation/administration/supreme court and the bicameral system; no to federalization; no to privatization, and so on.
On the surface, it appears that the Chinese Jasmine Revolution has made the Communist regime even more unyielding to public calls, thus has been a failure. But in reality, it is not. This kind of unyielding, unreasonable attitude is exactly the precursor of the Communist regime's demise. This abnormal measure of repression by the Communist regime reminds people to pay attention to the democratic revolution and declares that the Communist Party itself is already very fragile. It has been even more effective than the instigation of the young people in telling the public a signal: China's Jasmine Revolution is indeed not far away.
At the time when the reactionaries within the Chinese Communist Party were walking towards a more authoritarian stage, the Tibetan government-in-exile will be holding a people's congress in their provisional capital in Dharamsala to elect their Prime Minister of the government-in-exile. The Dalai Lama has already publicly announced that he will completely retreat from his status as a political leader and just remain the spiritual leader. Now, the democratization of the Tibetan government-in-exile has entered an important era.
Because of the information blockade in Mainland China, many of our friends do not understand Tibet's history and political institutions. Due to the distorted propaganda of the Communist Party, they think that the Dalai Lama is the head of serfdom. In fact, if they thought more carefully, they would know it is not true. The Tibetans-in-exile are not serfs, but free men scattered around the world. Then why are Tibetans still united around the Dalai Lama and yet firmly uphold the authority of the government-in-exile? A head of serfdom cannot do that.
The first reason the Tibetan people are united around the Dalai Lama is due to their beliefs. We all know that the Tibetans believe in Tibetan Lamaism. Therefore, this common belief becomes the cornerstone for the Tibetans' unity against tyrants. Although the Chinese Communist Party could drive the Tibetans away from their homeland, it could not drive the faith out of these people's hearts. This is one reason the Communist Party will fail inevitably.
Because of historical evolution and the difficulty of living in exile, although the Tibetan government-in-exile had reformed long ago into a structure of a democratic government, however, due to the high prestige of the Dalai Lama, this democratic government was still operating in a way that gives the Dalai Lama or his representatives the final say. In fact, it retains a structure of unification of the belief and the government, thus also having a lot of shortcomings which are not democratic. Not only is the will of the people not fully respected and the efficiency of bureaucracy reduced, but also there is a huge space for bad elements who betray the interests of Tibetans and who are the objects of the Chinese Communist united front. The result is that the unification directly impedes Tibetan ethnic and democratic development.
More than 20 years ago, the Dalai Lama and Tibetans-in-exile were already profoundly aware of the various ills of an undemocratic structure, and thus proposed goals of reform. After more than twenty years of deliberation, they finally completed the first step of the reform objectives. Thereby, they are going to walk out of the shadow of the unification of belief and government, by implementing a form of separation of church and politics. This model will remove the personal influence of the Dalai Lama completely, while governing by a directly elected leader by the people. This state structure is similar to the European constitutional monarchies, one of the two typical democratic systems.
In the past, when the democratic system was incomplete within the Tibetan government-in-exile, not only could the Chinese Communists use it to advantage to engage its "united front" conspiracy, but also the system itself had a lack of competitiveness, in a way of six a one, half a dozen the other relative to the one party dictatorship of the Communist Party. It was lacking more appeal to the Tibetan people. As many of the Tibetans said: the past serfdom and the present commune are about the same. The primary drive for the Tibetans against the Communist tyranny was their religious beliefs.
The Tibetan government-in-exile after reform will have a totally different competitive appeal. What attracts people more than their religion is the social system of democracy and freedom. People's rights and interests are living pillars as important as the people's faith. In the hearts of the Tibetan people, the Tibetan government-in-exile will not be just the pillar of belief, but also a pillar of survival. If we rate their battle with the Chinese Communists in the past five decades as a tie, then in the coming years the Chinese Communist one-party dictatorship will lose competitiveness completely, and will fail in the battles ahead.
Tibetan people will no longer say that serfs and commune members are similar. In front of them is a life of freedom that might be not so clear, yet expectable and reachable, which is similar to what the people in the Western world have. This kind of comparison is very simple in the eye of average folk: should we continue the life of a serf under the Chinese Communist Party or be people with freedom? When you do the comparison, the answer is clear.
In the past, the main enemy the Chinese Communist officials in charge of Tibet faced was the religion. They suppressed the religious forces in Tibet and made the so-called religious separatist propaganda to the Han Chinese. Now, it is different. Repression of religious belief is not only ineffective, but now faces a more attractive opponent given that every human being is born with a freedom-loving mentality. Chinese Communists could not answer this kind of question: because you are not willing to give us the democratic and free life that we are yearning to have, why do not you let us be independent? This time you see that it is the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party that is creating a split.
The reform of the Tibetan government-in-exile sets a goal for all the Tibetans to pursue. This is the root magic to win a victory against the authoritarian tyranny, to protect Tibetan's culture, and to develop Tibetan's economy.
To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2011/WeiJS110311TibetanPoliticalReform.mp3
(Written and recorded on March 11, 2010. Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
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